Archive for maj, 2016

SÆT FARVER PÅ MIDTØSTEN

Sæt nu nuancerede farver på Mellemøstdebatten

Ole Andersen 18.marts 2011

Er Israel virkelig skurken Eller er debatten om Mellemøsten blev lidt for farvet Det spørger dagens kronikskribent om.

Den danske debat om konflikten mellem israelerne og palæstinenserne mangler i den grad farver og nuancer. Debatten er på urimelig vis blevet sort-hvid med israelerne i rollen som de sorte skurke

I DEN DANSKE DEBAT om Mellemøsten savner jeg et langt halstørklæde. Et af den slags, som min gamle afdøde mormor kunne strikke: bredt, kraftigt og med et utal af farvede striber.

Skidt med, at nogle af farverne måske skreg lidt til hinanden, og skidt med, at nogle af garnresterne havde nuancer, der ikke lige hørte til mine yndlings farver. For samlet set gjorde farverne det til et fantastisk flot halstørklæde!

Det kan man ikke sige om mellemøstdebatten i Danmark. Den mangler i høj grad farver. Faktisk er den langt på vej blevet sort-hvid: Israel er sort, og palæstinenserne er hvide.

Men sådan er virkeligheden jo ikke.

En af de farver, jeg savner, er islamiseringen og den manglende religionsfrihed i Gaza. Hamas tog magten ved et blodigt kup i juni 2007. Få dage efter erklærede en af Gazas islamister, sheikh Abu Saqer, at nu måtte kristne acceptere islamiske regler, hvis de ville leve i fred i Gaza. Samtidig blev en romersk-katolsk skole og kirke angrebet, bibler, kors og møbler blev ødelagt og computere stjålet. Så var tonen slået an.

Det var ikke Hamas, der stod bag angrebet, men Hamas' magtovertagelse gav de endnu mere ekstremistiske kræfter mod og lyst til overgreb på de få kristne palæstinensere.

I oktober 2007 blev lederen af Det Palæstinensiske Bibelselskabs butik i Gaza by, Rami Ayyad, kidnappet. Inden var han blevet truet med, at han ville blive skadet, hvis han ikke konverterede til islam. Rami nægtede at konvertere, og dagen efter kidnapningen fandt man hans mishandlede lig. Siden har der været en række overgreb på kristne palæstinensere i Gaza.

Samtidig har Hamas gennemført en stadig tiltagende tvangsislamisering. I januar forbød og konfiskerede Hamas-myndighederne to romaner, hvis indhold angiveligt strider mod islam. I februar indførte myndighederne forbud mod, at mænd arbejder i frisørbutikker, der henvender sig til kvinder.

DET NYESTE ER EN KAMPAGNE iværksat af Hamas for at få stoppet al undervisning om holocaust i FN-skolerne i Gaza, fordi den er "skadelig" for de palæstinensiske børn.

Islamiseringen er et alvorligt problem, men mange danske mellemøstdebattører tier. Den manglende religionsfrihed er grel, men den er fuldstændig fraværende i den danske mellemøstdebat.

Debattører, som nu – med rette – skælder ud over, at de vestlige lande har samarbejdet med en undertrykker som Gaddafi, kræver, at Vesten skal samarbejde med det undertrykkende Hamas-styre i Gaza. For at gøre kravet spiseligt udelader man alle farverne i beskrivelsen af Hamas-regimet. Ja til menneskerettigheder i Libyen – forholdene i Gaza snakker vi ikke om!

En anden farve, der mangler, er det israelske fredsudspil fra september 2008. Israels daværende premierminister, Ehud Olmert, tilbød den palæstinensiske leder, Mahmoud Abbas, at palæstinenserne kunne få 93,6 procent af hele Vestbredden.

Israel ville beholde de cirka 6,4 procent, hvor 75 procent af bosætterne bor. De øvrige bosættelser med de sidste 25 procent af bosætterne skulle fjernes. Til gengæld for de mistede dele af Vestbredden tilbød Olmert palæstinenserne nogle områder af selve Israel svarende til 5,8 procent af Vestbreddens areal. Den sidste halve procent skulle udgøres af en palæstinensisk korridor mellem Vestbredden og Gaza.

Palæstinenserne sagde nej til udspillet, men Mahmoud Abbas sagde i oktober 2009, at han var "meget tæt" på at indgå en aftale med Olmert. Jeg kan ikke sige, om forslaget kunne have vundet opbakning fra et flertal af palæstinensere og israelere, men det var dog et seriøst udspil fra en israelsk premierminister.

Dette israelske fredsudspil fra september 2008 er helt fraværende fra den danske mellemøstdebat. Hvorfor mangler denne farve? Er det fordi den umuliggør det sort-hvide billede af israelerne som skurke, der ikke ønsker fred?

En tredje farve, der mangler i halstørklædet, er den udbredte palæstinensiske forfalskning af Tempelbjergets historie.

For år tilbage fungerede jeg under en rundvisning på Tempelbjerget som tolk for en højtstående embedsmand fra den islamiske waqf, der administrerer bjerget. Vi besøgte blandt andet de gamle tunneller, der løber under Al- Aqsa-moskéen, og som blev bygget af kong Herodes i årene kort før Jesu fødsel.

Men embedsmanden pegede på søjler og hvælvinger og forklarede, at alt dette var bygget af muslimer. Det var ren historieforfalskning! Men det var også tankevækkende, for når manden siger sådan til en gruppe danske studerende, hvad siger han så ikke til de besøgende palæstinensiske skolegrupper?

I november 2010 udgav Det Palæstinensiske Selvstyres viceinformationsminister en rapport, der hævder, at hele Tempelbjerget inklusive Vestmuren og den antikke gade fra det første århundrede, som arkæologer har udgravet langs muren, er bygget af muslimer og dermed for evigt muslimsk ejendom.

Denne insisteren på en historisk løgn præger den kommende palæstinensiske generation med uforsonlighed. Historieforfalskningen er med til at hindre freden. Alligevel er denne farve stort set væk fra den danske mellemøstdebat.

EN FJERDE MANGLENDE FARVE er risikoen for antisemitisme i Vesten. Nogle proisraelske fortalere har trukket antisemitisme-kortet ved lejligheder, hvor det på ingen måde hørte hjemme. Det har skabt en forståelig reaktion fra kritikere af Israels politik.

"Kritik af Israel er ikke antisemitisme," lyder slagordet nu med enorm intensitet. Og vi nikker alle sammen, for selvfølgelig er det ikke antisemitisk at kritisere den politik, staten Israel fører. Men slagordet er forkert. Fordi kritik af Israel kan være antisemitisk.

Lige så forkert det er automatisk at beskylde kritikere af Israel for at være antisemitter, lige så forkert er det automatisk at frikende Israels kritikere for antisemitisme.

Meget kritik af Israel er blottet for antisemitisme. Men en del Israel-kritik i Vesten og i Danmark i disse år er faktisk antisemitisk.

I februar blev der på en mur i Frederikssund malet ordene "Fuck jøder". Altså ikke "Fuck Netanyahu" eller "Fuck Israel", men netop "Fuck jøder"! Hvad skal danske jøder i Frederikssund, der passerer denne mur undervejs til tandlægen, tænke? Graffitien er måske nok ment som kritik af Israel, men den er antisemitisk.

Det i udgangspunktet berettigede slagord om, at Israel-kritik ikke er antisemitisme, er blevet til nuanceløs sort-hvid retorik, der pr. automatik frikender enhver kritiker af Israel for mistanke om antisemitisme.

På den måde kan man behændigt komme uden om at skulle forholde sig til de antijødiske holdninger, der ifølge undersøgelsen "Danmark og de fremmede" fra 2009 præger en stor del af danskerne med etnisk baggrund i Pakistan, Somalia og de palæstinensiske områder.

Når jøder i Malmø chikaneres, og når jøder i Danmark ikke kan gå på Nørrebro med synlige davidsstjerner, er der uhyggelig god grund til at nuancere slagordet om, at Israel-kritik ikke er antisemitisme.

Disse fire farver er eksempler på manglerne i den sort-hvide danske debat. Men virkeligheden er farvet. Både den palæstinensiske og den israelske del af halstørklædet har farver i alle nuancer. De skal med i debatten.

Den eneste mulige politiske løsning for Mellemøsten er forhandlinger. Men forhandlinger er samtaler, og samtaler kræver nuancer. Et sort-hvidt billede graver grøfterne dybere og gør det endnu mere umuligt at vinde fred i Mellemøsten.


Derfor: Husk farverne i mellemøst debatten!

Ole Andersen er generalsekretær i foreningen Ordet og Israel

http://www.kristeligt-dagblad.dk/kronik/s%C3%A6t-nu-nuancerede-farver-p%C3%A5-mellem%C3%B8stdebatten

 

Jomfru Maria var palestiner – eller var hun?
Dagen, skrevet av Ole Andersen, generalsekretær i dansk Ordet og Israel 2016.05.27

En stor statue av jomfru Maria blir hvert år på andre søndag etter påske båret i prosesjon gjennom Haifas gater. Det skjer til minne om at statuen ved avslutningen av første verdenskrig ble ført tilbake til sin plass i Stella Maris-kirken i byen

Ole Andersen, generalsekretær i dansk Ordet og Israel

I spissen for prosesjonen går den katolske patriarken, prester og speidere fulgt av tusener av lokale arabiske kristne. Prosesjonen har utviklet seg til den nest viktigste i Israel etter palmesøndag-prosejonen i Jerusalem.

Men i år fikk Maria-prosesjonen i Haifa et etterspill. En arabisk avis brakte et bilde fra prosesjonen der Maria tilsynelatende er fotografert med et palestinsk flagg. Det vakte oppsikt og utløste kritikk. Men redaktøren forsvarte bildet og sa at formålet var «å understreke at Maria først og fremst er palestiner og ikke israeler».

Beskrivelsen av Maria som palestiner er del av et mønster. I sin julehilsen i 2013 kalte den palestinske president Mahmoud Abbas Jesus for «en palestinsk budbringer». I Danmark brukte Fathi El-Abed, som er formann for Dansk Palæstinesisk Venskabsforening, julen 2014 til å beskrive Jesus som «historiens største palestiner». I desember 2015 gjentok han påstanden.

Allerede i 1991 brakte det danske Folkekirkens Nødhjælp en artikkel om de kristne i de arabiske land under overskriften «De første kristne». I 1996 skrev en medarbeider fra Folkekirkens Nødhjælp i Kristeligt Dagblad at «historiebøger og katekismer sjældent berørte kristendommens arabiske oprindelse og rødder».

Jesus var palestiner, jomfru Maria var palestiner, de første kristne var arabere, og kristendommen har arabiske røtter. Slik lyder påstanden. Men uansett hvor ofte det gjentas, er det feil. Jesus, Maria og de første kristne var jøder. Deres nasjonale tilhørighet, deres språk, deres kultur og deres tradisjoner var jødiske.

Formålet med at kalle dem for palestinere er å skaffe støtte til de moderne palestineres kamp mot staten Israel. Det er i seg selv et uhyrlig misbruk av historien. Men samtidig har det en stor pris: Hvor kristendommens jødiske røtter benektes, blir Det nye testamente langt på vei uforståelig. Hvor Jesu tilhørighet til det jødiske folk benektes, blir det tale om en falsk Jesus.

Dette er ikke bare en sak for kristne med interesse for Israel. Dette er en sak for alle kristne. For hvis Jesus ikke er jøde av Abrahams og Davids slekt, så er han heller ikke Messias. Og da kan han verken frelse jøder, palestinere, nordmenn eller dansker.

http://ordetogisrael.no/index.php?id=view-news&news_id=2701

Ser Gud på jødene som fiender?

19. mai 2016 |  Brian Hennessy

For de av oss som elsker Israel så høres dette spørsmålet veldig rart ut. Men dessverre er det slik at mange kristne i dag lider av en slags bakrus i forbindelse med erstatningsteologien. De gjorde endelig plass i sin eskatologi for en gjenopprettelse av Israel, men de aksepterer ikke at jødenes hjemreise til deres gamle land er en del av denne gjenopprettelsen. De påpeker at de fleste jøder i Israel og andre land fremdeles ikke tror at Jesus er Messias, og at de derfor må bli ansett som fiender av Gud. De siterer ofte Paulus sine ord: "På grunn av evangeliet har de blitt Guds fiender". (Romerbrevet 11:28). De som mener dette argumenterer for at hvis jødene er fiender av evangeliet, så er de også fiender av Gud.

Dessverre har de kristne som mener dette tatt Paulus sine ord fullstendig ut av sammenhengen det ble sagt i. Etter å ha advart alle de troende som ikke var jøder om ikke å opptre arrogant ovenfor de grenene som hadde blitt kuttet av ga Paulus oss instrukser om jødene ut fra deres nåværende posisjon som ikke-troende: "På grunn av evangeliet er de blitt Guds fiender, for at dere skal få frelsen. Men på grunn av utvelgelsen er de elsket av Gud, for fedrenes skyld. For Gud angrer ikke sine nådegaver og sitt kall." (Vers 28 og 29)

Sett gjennom kristne øyne burde jødene kjempe mot evangeliet med alt de er og har. Men det er til vår fordel! Gud gjorde de bevisst til fiender av evangeliet for å drive evangeliet ut til nasjonene slik at mennesker kunne høre evangeliet og bli frelst.

Men Paulus oppfordrer oss til å se forbi deres sinne og motstand og heller se på dem fra Guds perspektiv. Paulus sier at Gud bevisst gjorde de til fiender av evangeliet og at Han fremdeles elsker dem. Med andre ord så må vi ikke tenke at Gud har vendt dem ryggen og plassert de i samme kategori som alle andre ikke-troende i verden. Nei, de er fremdeles hans folk – selv om de ikke er troende! Løftene som ble gitt til jødedommens forfedre kan ikke bli trukket tilbake.

Gang på gang forsikret Gud Israel om at "bare dere vil jeg kjennes ved blant alle jordens slekter." (Amos 3:2). Så selv om majoriteten av jødene fornektet Jesus så gjorde ikke deres vantro at Gud slettet Hans evige troskap til dem. Men hva om noen har vist seg utro? Kan deres utroskap oppheve Guds troskap? Slett ikke! (Romerbrevet 3:3-4). Gud har skjult deres øyne for sannheten helt til hedningene kommer inn i Israel. Deretter vil Han vise den samme nåden til jødene som Han har vist til oss som er hedninger. "Opphever vi da loven ved troen? Slett ikke! Vi stadfester loven." (Vers 31)

Det disse uforstandige kristne ikke forstår er det paradigmeskiftet som har funnet sted når det gjelder Guds håndtering av sitt folk. Alt forandret seg da staten Israel ble grunnlagt på nytt i 1948. Vi vet dette fordi Gud alltid håndterer Israel på samme måte.

Når jødenes ulydighet til slutt fører til at Guds tålmodighet tar slutt så tillater Han at landet blir erobet og at jødene blir kastet ut. Det var det som skjedde da assyrerne invaderte det nordlige riket i 722 f. Kr, da Babylon invaderte Judah i 586 f. Kr og da jødene nok en gang ble tvunget i eksil av romerne i år 70 e.Kr. Men på den tiden hadde perioden som jødene var i eksil en utløpsdato. Vi vet at Judahs straffelsesperiode, som ble avsluttet med Holocaust, nå er over. Det er fordi de nå er tilbake i landet. Deres mirakuløse retur, deres utrolige seire mot alle odds og deres gjenvinning av landet bekrefter at Gud er med dem og at Gud kjemper for Israel!

Så ja, jødene returnerte hjem uten å tro. Men det var nøyaktig dette som ble forutsagt og profetert. "Jeg henter dere fra folkeslagene, samler dere fra alle landene og fører dere hjem til deres eget land. Jeg stenker rent vann på dere, så dere blir rene. Jeg renser dere for all urenhet og for alle avgudene." (Esekiel 36:24-25). Og igjen, i denne profetien fra Esekiel, så er det ETTER at nasjonen har blitt gjenopprettet at Gud kommanderer: "Kom, ånd, fra de fire vindretninger og blås på disse drepte så de blir levende.» (Esekiel 37:9)

Jeg tror at denne ånden snart kommer til å blåse. Jeg tror at ånden kommer til å få selskap av de troende som har våknet og gjenkjenner de hebraiske røttene i deres tro. Som du kanskje la merke til da jeg nevnte Israels tre perioder i eksil, så er det fremdeles en av disse som ikke har blitt løst. Det er den verdensomspennende forvisningen av Israels ti norlige stammer. Jeg er ikke i tvil om at alle troende som har sluttet seg til Messias fra ulike nasjoner, er etterkommere av Israels tapte stammer.

"Så sier Herren over hærskarene: I de dager skal ti mann av alle språk og folkeslag gripe tak i kappefliken til én judeisk mann og si: «La oss få gå med dere, for vi har hørt at Gud er med dere." (Sakarja 8:23)


 

http://www.israeltoday.no/Nyeelement/tabid/322/nid/29228/Default.aspx


 


 


 

Netanyahu responds to Ya'alon

PM says Ya'alon should have taken Foreign Ministry, rejects claims of confidence crisis and Likud 'extremism,' renews unity govt. offer.

By Hezki Baruch

First Publish: 5/20/2016, 3:00 PM

 

Netanyahu and Ya'alon

Netanyahu and Ya'alon

Flash 90

Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu issued a statement on Friday afternoon, responding to Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon's (Likud) sudden resignation and press conference earlier in the day.

Ya'alon announced that he intends to return and contend for the leadership, after Netanyahu decided to give his post of Defense Minister to MK Avigdor Liberman as a condition to have his Yisrael Beytenu party join the coalition.

"I am sorry about 'Boogie' Ya'alon's decision," said Netanyahu. "I think he should have continued to be a full partner in the leadership of the state in the post of Foreign Minister."

The Prime Minister thanked Ya'alon for his service in the IDF, where he served as Chief of Staff, and said he appreciates the cooperation that the two shared particularly during 2014 Operation Protective Edge.

"The change in the distribution of potrfolios did not stem from a crisis in confidence between us, it stemmed from the need to expand the government, and that was in order to bring stability to the state of Israel faced in light of the great challenges before us," he said.

"I imagine that if 'Boogie' Ya'alon had not been asked to leave the Defense Ministry and move to the Foreign Ministry, (then) what he calls a crisis in confidence between us would not have developed – and he would not have resigned," said Netanyahu, shooting through Ya'alon's claims that his resignation was a moral decision based on a lack of confidence in the Prime Minister.

Netanyahu then referenced tensions displayed between the two in a recent faceoff, when Ya'alon supported IDF Deputy Chief of Staff Yair Golan who compared Israel to Nazi Germany at a Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony.

Earlier this week Ya'alon escalated matters further when he told IDF officers to give their personal opinions, regardless of whether they countered the policy of the political echelon, leading Netanyahu to summon him for a talk.

Commenting on the showdown, Netanyahu said, "now I want to clarify: the IDF is a moral army."

"It maintains and will continue to maintain the highest values of morality – and at their forefront the purity of the weapon," he said, in a possible reference to Ya'alon's criticism of IDF soldier Elor Azariya, who is on trial for shooting a wounded terrorist.

"There is and will be no disagreement on that. The IDF is also the people's army, and I am firm in my opinion that we have to continue to keep the IDF outside of politics."

"The attempt to bring the IDF and its commanders into a political argument is invalid, and dangerous for democracy," he said in a condemnation of Ya'alon's comments earlier this week. "In a democracy the military echelon is subordinate to the political echelon – and not the reverse."

Batting away Ya'alon's accusations that Likud has become "extremist," he said, "Likud believes in Democracy. Likud is a nationalist liberal movement, a movement that is obligated to defend Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. Likud expresses the central stream of the nation, and as such it is obligated to the security of the state and to striving for peace."

"The government is open to peace. There are opportunities in the diplomatic field, especially due to certain developments in the region that I personally am diligently working on. Therefore I made a great effort to bring the Zionist Union into the government."

"And therefore I leave the door open to this union (with Zionist Union) in the most serious manner, a union that will only do good for the state of Israel," concluded Netanyahu, renewing his offers of a unity government.

 

http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/212580#.Vz9Rw_Nf2vE

 

 

 

 

 

Storbritannias venstreorienterte holdning

16. mai 2016 |  Charles Gardner

Vi har vært her før. Historien gjentar seg, og nok en gang opplever jeg en følelse av deja vu som også denne gangen får meg til å skrive om antisemittismen i det britiske partiet Labour sett i lys av Theodor Herzls sionistkampanje som også ble startet på grunn av det anti-jødiske oppstyret innad i partiet.

Idet jeg grubler over dette pågående oppstyret minnes jeg nok en gang om hvordan Hitler fikk så mye makt og hvordan denne makten så ut til å bli gitt til ham helt uten videre og ut av det blå. På samme måte har den venstreorienterte holdningen til jøder og Israel gått fra å være noe som kun noen få støttet, til å bli noe som de fleste er enige i. Og dette ser ut til å ha skjedd på svært kort tid. Det er ganske sjokkerende å tenke på.

Hvordan i all verden skjedde dette, også på så kort tid? Som Barry Segal i Jerusalem News Network sa: "Mange som observerer dette fra sidelinjen rister på hodet i vantro over hvordan de verste ekstremistene fra venstresiden klarte å overta det ledende opposisjonspartiet i Storbritannia på så kort tid."

Det skal visstnok være lederen for Labour-lederen Jeremy Corbyns nærmeste rådgiver Seumus Milne som trekker i snorene. Milnes var tidligere redaktør for avisen The Guardian. Han skal ha beskrevet opprettelsen av den moderne staten Israel som et "lovbrudd" og samtidig hyllet Hamas og deres terrorisme under et anti-Israel møte under kampanjen Operation Protective Edge Gaza i 2014.

Samtidig har den tidligere London-ordføreren Ken Livingstone, som også er en nær venn av herr Corbyn, gjort ting enda verre ved å beskrive opprettelsen av staten Israel i 1948 som "en stor katastrofe" ifølge The Daily News. Livingstones uttalelser har også tidligere vekket oppsikt da han har uttalt at Hitler støttet sionisme på 1930-tallet. Herr Corbyn var allerede upopulær i det jødiske samfunnet som frem til nå har støttet Labour. Ting har nå gått fra vondt til verre etter at han har uttalt at han så på Hamas og Hizbollah som venner.

Nå har også London, som er en av de viktigste hovedstadene i verden, fått en muslimsk borgermester i Sadiq Khan. Zac Goldsmith, den konservative kandidaten som ønsket å ta over som borgermester i London etter Boris Johnson, mottok sterk kritikk etter at han stilte spørsmål rundt Khans påståtte forbindelser til ekstremister. Khan responderte med å anklage Goldsmith for å være "islamofob". Goldmsmiths bekymringer er likevel svært gjeldende med tanke på ambisjonene som radikale muslimer har om å ta over verdensherredømme, for ikke å nevne de grusomme angrepene på transportsystemet i London 7.juli 2005 som ble utført i islams navn.

En av de nyeste personlighetene som har kommet på banen i den britiske politikken er Ruth Davidson, den nye konservative lederen i Skottland. Hun har blitt hyllet for å ha klart å senke Labour til tredjeplass i valgene i Skottland. Davidson, som er åpen om sin lesbiske legning og som tidligere har vært søndagsskolelærer, har blitt utpekt som en mulig fremtidig statsminister.

Så hvordan har alt dette skjedd? Jeg har nevnt noen av personene som bidrar til oppstyret, men det er ikke de som har forårsaket dette. De er kun symptomer på vår undergang. Den jødisk-kristne sivilisasjonen kollapser under oss fordi vi har mistet vårt grunnlag.

Først vendte vi ryggen til Israel. Vi stemte ikke for at de skulle få bli sin egen stat og vi skapte utfordringer for jødiske flyktninger som ønsket å flykte fra nazistene når vi egentlig kunne hadde mulighet til å redde dem. Så gikk vi et steg lengre ved å utlevere Israels Gud, også gjennom å godkjenne ekteskap mellom likekjønnede. Nå støtter til og med den evangeliske kristne lederen og pastoren Steve Chalke ekteskap mellom likekjønnende i sine prekner til menighetene Oasis.

Jepp, vi høster konsekvensene av det vi har sådd.

Jeg har nettopp kommet tilbake fra en deilig og avslappende ferie i Yorkshire Dales, ett av de vakreste stedene i England. Men det var kaldt i begynnelsen av uken. Det var snø på fjelltoppene og vi gikk rundt med seks lag med klær. Men mens vi var der så steg plutselig temperaturene til over 20 grader celsius. Plutselig var det sommer!

Vi her i Storbritannia vet godt at vinteren kan komme over oss like fort og plutselig. Vi har nå gått inn i en istid som bare bønn og omvendelse kan tine.


 

http://www.israeltoday.no/Nyeelement/tabid/322/nid/29203/Default.aspx


 


 


 

Op-Ed: Erdogan's passion for building mosques in Europe

Erdogan seeks to create the image of an Islamic civilization on the rise once again with the Turks acting as the vanguard of this revival.

Published: Saturday, May 14, 2016 10:46 PM

 

Giulio Meotti

The writer, an Italian journalist with Il Foglio, writes a twice-weekly…

► More from this writer

Recep Tayyip Erdogan has a great passion for mosques. Since he took power in Turkey, Mr. Erdogan has built 17,000 Islamic prayer sites. The largest in the world stands on the Camlica Hill, dominating the Asian side of Istanbul, where the East, in the words of Cocteau, extends to Europe “its old bejeweled hand”.

The Turkish president is committed to the construction of mosques in European capitals as well.


In the words of Erdogan, “the minarets are our bayonets, the domes our helmets, the mosques our barracks.”
Erdogan seeks to create the image of an Islamic civilization on the rise once again with the Turks acting as the vanguard of this revival. Ten mosques have been financed by the Turks abroad, from Mali to Moscow; five of them in the past year. Ten more are in the planning stage, including one in Cambridge, UK.  

Next summer, Mr. Erdogan will be in Amsterdam at the opening of the famous “Westermoskee”, the mega mosque in the Dutch city. 2,500 people will pray there every Friday. For twenty years the work has gone on among lots of controversy, especially after the Netherlands was shocked by the murder of Theo van Gogh. The minaret of 42 meters will dominate the Amstel River that traverses Amsterdam. “It will be the most beautiful mosque of Europe”, proudly says Selemi Yuksel, one of those in charge of it.

Recently, Erdogan financed the largest mosque in the Balkans in Tirana, before flying to the US to inaugurate a mega mosque in Maryland. In Gaza, Erdogan has personally pledged to rebuild Palestinian Arab mosques damaged during the war between Israel and Hamas and used by the terrorists to fire rockets into Israel.

The Turkish government is also financing thirty places of worship in Switzerland. In Bucharest there is a controversy about the great mosque that the Turks are funding in the Romanian capital.

To build these mosques, at home as abroad, Erdogan has expanded the Diyanet, the Ministry of Religious Affairs of Turkey, which has a budget of two billion euro, equal to twelve ministries combined, and 120,000 employees (they were 72 thousand in 2004).

As revealed this week by the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Turkey controls 900 mosques in Germany. These mosques and imams have a big influence on German public opinion (see Jan Boöhmermann’s case, the comedian on trial for offending Erdogan).

In December, the Qatari television Al Jazeera screened a film on the “Mosque of West Amsterdam”. A pair of Dutch elderly persons passes in front of the building under construction and says, laughing: “It is beautiful. Our church is closing”. And since Erdogan also has a great sense of irony, the Turkish president decided to build the mega mosque in Amsterdam copying the famous Cathedral of St. Sophia, that remote sentinel of Western civilization, the heart ripped from Christianity when Instanbul fell into Turkish hands in 1453.

In the words of Erdogan, “the minarets are our bayonets, the domes our helmets, the mosques our barracks.” Europe is the new land of conversion.

Why not start building a mega mosque in Vienna too, where the Turks were defeated by a Christian army in 1683? 

 

http://www.israelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article.aspx/18878#.VzmJtPNf2vE

 

 

 

 

 

Op-Ed: Abbas and Sisi, the starling and the raven

Abbas sees Sisi as a kindred spirit, but that does not mean that Sisi will fulfill his requests.

Published: Thursday, May 12, 2016 11:25 PM

 

Dr. Mordechai Kedar

Dr. Mordechai Kedar is a senior lecturer in the Department of Arabic at…

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Rabbi Eliezer is quoted in the Talmudic Tractate Bava Kama (82:b) as saying: "It is not surprising that the starling chose to visit the raven, because they are of the same species," a reference to the fact that people of similar ilk are attracted to one another because their interests are similar as well.

Mahmoud Abbas has visited Abdel Fattah el-Sisi at least ten times since he became president of Egypt,  the most recent visit at the beginning of this past week. According to Egyptian and Palestinian media, these visits centered on two things: 1.Mahmoud Abbas' desire to call an international conference that will decide to force Israel to establish another Palestinian state, this one in Judea and Samaria and governed by the PLO – and 2. Abbas' attempt to enlist Egypt's help in ending the feud with Hamas that has caused a split within the Arabs of Judea and Samaria.

Except that the real story is behind the scenes.The idea of an international conference to give the peace wagon a shove forward changes its face constantly ever since the Madrid Conference of October 1991 and its unimpressive results caused the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians to seek out other routes. Oslo, the capital of Norway, was one of them, and there have been others since then, some secret and others public, all attempts to reach an agreement between the two sides. 

An international conference is a friendly environment for whoever wants to pressure Israel because of the automatic majority the Arab side has at any forum of this type. The proximity of other heads of state gives every Israeli leader the feeling that he is under pressure and pushes him into a defensive po‎sition which convinces him that he must offer some form of payment  to the Palestinians in the form of territorial, political and/or economic concessions. 

An international conference allows the Palestinian spokesmen to set a high standard of expectations – from Israel – and to hint that if their appetite is not assuaged they will tell the world that Israel is "guilty for the lack of a peace treaty with her neighbors."


A well known principle of international conferences says that an international conference is held only after the nations that initiated it have already decided on their decisions.
A well known principle of international conferences says that an international conference is held only after the nations that initiated it have already decided on their decisions and that the entire conference, with its meetings, documents,speeches, cocktail parties and participants are all props that are there to convince those who get their information from the media that something important has actually happened at the conference.

This is just what Abbas wants fromSisi, help in organizing  an international conference to which the Palestinians will come after they are convinced that the documents exhibited there have given them everything Israel does not want to give them in direct negotiations. Abbas wants to take advantage of the growing intimacy between Israel and Egypt, a result of the joint struggle of both countries against the increasing terror in the Sinai. For Sisi to take the part of the one responsible for the "negotiations," that is the forcing of a solution on Israel under the threat that if Israel  does not give in to his dictates – Abbas', that is – it will endanger the cooperation between them and the increasing terror in the Sinai will eventually threaten Israel.

The unsolved question is whether Sisi is really prepared to adopt the idea of calling for an international conference on the Palestine issue, whether he has the time and patience needed to ensure that the conference succeeds, when his own backyard – Egypt's worsening problems – pleads for real solutions. My gut feeling is that Sisi is not overjoyed about having  this conference thrust upon him, because he hasn't the time or patience to prepare it properly and also because he does not trust the Palestinians – and perhaps not the Israelis either – to act properly, cooperate with the participants and carry out the decisions once the conference is over. Sisi is afraid that this kind of conference will enter the history books as having had no influence on the situation, just like its predecessors.

Sisi is also not sure that the world will be interested in a conference aimed at progress in achieving peace between Israel and the Palestinians, because the world today understands that even if a real peace agreement is signed between Israel and the PLO, it will do nothing to solve the problems in Iraq, Lybia, Yemen and the rest of the battles and controversies that are tearing the Arab world into shreds. Sisi knows that the Arab world's level of interest in the Palestinian problem is close to zero and that explains why he has no motivation to hold a conference that Abbas sees as the only way to return to the limelight after the "Arab Spring' pushed the Palestinian issue offstage.


Even the Arabic spoken in Gaza is different than that spoken by the Arabs of Judea and Samaria.
Sisi knows that the American president's eagerness to pull his weight to force Israel to give in to the Palestinian's expectations has lessened, that Obama has despaired of finding a solution, sensing that neither the Israelis nor the Palestinians have enough people who are really interested in solving the conflict. Sisi knows that the American president – if he only wanted to – could play a constructive role at a conference of this nature, but he does not see any great desire on Obama's part to do that, mainly due to Obama's fear of another failure for his party on the way to the November elections. In conclusion, the probability that Abbas' efforts to enlist Sisi to his cause will succeed is not high.

The second issue that brought Abbas to Egypt, healing the rift between the PLO and Hamas, is no less important than the first in Abbas' eyes. He – the Palestinian chairman – sees that Hamas is already planning the celebrations of the ninth anniversary of the establishment of its state in Gaza, while his chances of establishing a similar state in Judea and aSmaria under PLO rule are fading  by the day. His efforts to enlist Egypt are the last possibility to heal the rift in the Palestinian political system, a rift that proves that there is no unified agenda to which all those who claim the existence of a Palestinian nation can agree.

The rift betwen the PLO and Hamas is just an organizational ex‎pression of the significant cultural differences between the Arabs of Judea and Samaria, who have familial and cultural ties with the Jordanian population and the Gazan Arabs who are blood relatives of the Bedouins dwelling in the SInai and the Israeli Negev. Even the Arabic spoken in Gaza is different than that spoken by the Arabs of Judea and Samaria.

Hamas' control of Gaza is not threatened in any way; even Egypt and Israel, who hold the keys to the gates leading from Gaza to the rest of the world have not gotten Gaza to accede  to their demands and interests. Actually, Sisi has no realistic  way to force anything on Hamas. Even more, Sisi worries that if he tries to pressure Hamas in Gaza, they will only increase the aid they are already giving the Jihadists in theSinai and export the terror to Egypt on a higher scale.

That's why Abbas is probably going to have to accept another disappointment. It is hard to imagine Sisi endangering Egypt by pressuring Hamas,  just to convince that terrorist organization's members to accept the leadership of the President of the "Muqata in Ramallah," their derisive title for him.

In sum, there is every reason to expect that Mahmoud Abbas' recent visit to Egypt will not yield the fruits he expects and that his wanderings around the world are the personification of the Arab proverb: "any movement is blessed" – it doesn't matter what you achieve, nor does it matter what you do, the main thing is that you are in motion, raising dust and creating the impression that you are accomplishing something. Abbas is a master at creating illusions and that is what he is doing nstead of trying  the one thing that could bring results, sitting down with Netanyahu until they hammer out a solution.

This is how his foreign policy is carried out, but everyone must remember the fact that he, that very same Mahmoud Abbas, is the man who was in charge of funding the PLO terrorists during the days when he was Arafat's deputy and right hand man.

This week Israel remembers its fallen IDF soldiers and terror victims. Mahmoud Abbas is responsible for the deaths of not a few of them. May their memories be blessed.

Translated by Rochel Sylvetsky, Oped and Judaism editor, Arutz Sheva English site.

 

 

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NU ER KIRKEN SKILT FRA STATEN

kirken-fri

Den norske kirke jubler over sin egen selvstendighet. Tirsdag vedtok Stortinget å gjøre folkekirken selvstendig. Fra 1. januar 2017 er Den norske kirke et eget rettssubjekt, og alle kirkens statsansatte blir fra årsskiftet kirkelig ansatt.

Med dette blir det tatt et stort skritt videre. Samarbeidet på tvers av alle partigrenser har vært godt, og det er viktig for denne saken, sa saksordføreren fra Stortingets kirke-, utdannings- og forskningskomite, Norunn Tveiten Benestad (H) i Stortinget 10. mai.

Bred tilsluttning
Etter hundre år med kirkereformer og stadig styrkede nasjonale og internasjonale rettsnormer for vern av religionsfriheten, ønsker Den norske kirke nå tydeligere å framstå som et eget trossamfunn.
Stortingsvedtaket gir konklusjonen på en prosess som omfatter utredningsarbeid fra både kirken og regjeringen siden 1998.
Det var et nesten enstemmig storting som sto bak grunnlovsendringene i 2012. Endringene i Kirkeloven fire år senere ble også vedtatt nesten enstemmig.
– Det er gledelig at alle partier på Stortinget bidrar konstruktivt i den skrittvise prosessen Kirkemøtet har bedt om, sier direktøren i Kirkerådet, Jens-Petter Johnsen.
Han har vært aktivt med i dette arbeidet de 10 årene han vært leder i Kirkerådets sekretariat.
– Prosessen med å endre statskirkeordningen er godt forberedt fra kirkens side. Dette handler om en stat som ikke lenger kun knytter seg til ett trossamfunn, og en kirke som i større grad fristilles til å være selvstendig trossamfunn. Vi har forsøkt å tilrettelegge endringene slik at medlemmer og ansatte skal merke minst mulig til dem, sier han.

Gratulerer kirken
Fra Stortingets talerstol understreket kulturminister Linda Hofstad Helleland at den brede kirkelige og politiske tilslutningen til prosessen har vært avgjørende.

Reformer i den kirkelige lovgivningen har skjedd gradvis. Trinn for trinn er det etablert kirkelige organer på lokalt, regionalt og nasjonalt nivå. Jeg gratulerer kirken med den store dagen og ønsker lykke til med ansvaret og forpliktelsene som ligger i det å være eget rettssubjekt, sa statsråden. KPK

Foto: Etter stortingsdebatten om endringene i Kirkeloven 10. mai 2016. Fra venstre: Iselin Nybø Norunn (V), Norunn Tveiten Benestad (H), direktør i Kirkerådet Jens-Petter Johnsen, Anders Tyvand (KrF), Tone Merete Sønsterud (A) og leder i Kirkerådet, Kristin Gunleiksrud Raaum


www.idag.no

 

 

 

 

Op-Ed: Recognizing Israel as a Jewish State, Part II

There are two opposing opinions about recognition of Israel's right to exist.

Published: Monday, May 09, 2016 8:25 AM

 

Dr. Alex Grobman

Dr. Alex Grobman is a historian, president of the America-Israel Friendship…

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For part I, click here.

Israeli Response

Many in Israel assert the country’s existence as “the” Jewish state is a given and not open to consideration. Others question why Israel needs acknowledgement from anyone.

No Need for Recognition

Yehuda Avner, personal secretary and speechwriter for five Israeli prime ministers, asserts that Menachem Begin, Israel’s sixth prime minister, strenuously objected to the notion that Israel’s right to exist “has to be sanctioned for political purposes by an intrinsically anti-Semitic, murderous Palestinian Arab terrorist organization? Have you lost your Jewish self-respect,” he asked. “Where is your Jewish memory?" (Yehuda Avner, “Israel does not need Palestinian recognition,” The Jerusalem Post, June 14, 2006).

When Begin became prime minster in 1997, an Englishman with a “perfectly pitched BBC announcer's voice” enquired whether Begin looked forward to the day when the Palestinian Arabs would recognize Israel’s right to exist. Begin’s “jaw tightened,” but he calmly responded, "Traditionally, there are four major criteria of statehood under international law. One – an effective and independent government. Two – an effective and independent control of the population. Three – a defined territory. And four – the capacity to freely engage in foreign relations. Israel is in possession of all four attributes and, hence, is a fully fledged sovereign state and a fully accredited member of the United Nations.”   (Ibid.)

The Englishman then asked whether Begin would require the Palestinian Arab leadership to recognize Israel as a sine qua non for negotiations.  “Certainly not!” Begin affirmed. “Those so-called relevant organizations are gangs of murderers bent on destroying the State of Israel. We will never conduct talks about our own destruction."  What if they were to recognize Israel's existence, the fellow persisted, “would you then negotiate with them?" "No, sir!" "Why not?" "Because I don't need Palestinian recognition for my right to exist."


Begin: Would it enter the mind of any Briton or Frenchman, Belgian or Dutchman, Hungarian or Bulgarian, Russian or American, to request for its people recognition of its right to exist?
Standing before the Knesset two hours later on his first day in office and after this caustic exchange, Begin began discussing Israel's right to exist. "Our right to exist – have you ever heard of such a thing?" he declared. "Would it enter the mind of any Briton or Frenchman, Belgian or Dutchman, Hungarian or Bulgarian, Russian or American, to request for its people recognition of its right to exist?"

Glaring at his audience and shaking his finger, he quieted every voice in the Knesset chamber. "Mr. Speaker: We were granted our right to exist by the God of our fathers at the glimmer of the dawn of human civilization four thousand years ago. Hence, the Jewish people have an historic, eternal and inalienable right to exist in this land, Eretz Yisrael, the land of our forefathers. We need nobody's recognition in asserting this inalienable right. And for this inalienable right, which has been sanctified in Jewish blood from generation to generation, we have paid a price unexampled in the annals of nations." Then he stood on his toes and in a thunderous voice proclaimed, "Mr. Speaker: From the Knesset of Israel, I say to the world, our very existence per se is our right to exist!"

As the meeting with President Jimmy Carter in the White House came to a close three weeks later, the president handed the prime minister the formal communique of their meeting.  After Begin read the document he asked that the sentence, “The United States affirms Israel's inherent right to exist” be removed.  Carter said "It would be incompatible with my responsibilities as president of the United States were I to omit this commitment to your country, since this public pledge had been a request of every other former Israeli prime minister." 

Begin thanked the president and explained he wanted the sentence deleted "Because our Jewish state needs no American affirmation of our right to exist. Our Hebrew Bible established that right millennia ago. Never, throughout the centuries, did we ever abandon or forfeit that right. Therefore, sir, we alone, the Jewish people – no one else – are responsible for our country's right to exist.” (Ibid.)

Abba Eban viewed the issue similarly: “Nobody does Israel any service by proclaiming its ‘right to exist.’  It is disturbing to find so many people right well-disposed to Israel giving currency to this contemptuous formulation. Israel's right to exist, like that of the United States, Saudi Arabia, and 152 other states, is axiomatic and unreserved. Israel's legitimacy is not suspended in midair awaiting acknowledgement by the royal house in Riyadh. Nor does a group such as the Palestine Liberation Organization have any juridical competence to accord recognition to states, or withhold it. (Abba Eban, “The Saudi Text,” The New York Times, November 18, 1981).

Former Israeli Finance Minister Yair Lapid agreed with Eban. "I don't feel we need a declaration from the Palestinians that they recognize Israel as a Jewish state,” he told Charlie Rose on Bloomberg Television. “My father didn't come to Haifa from the Budapest ghetto in order to get recognition from Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas),"  Lapid said he sees the State of Israel as a place where Jews are able to define themselves, after 2,000 years in exile.”  (Jonathan Lis, "We are now independent and make our own rules," Haaretz, October 9, 2013) [1]

An Opposing Israeli View

As part of remarks observing the 96th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu reiterated the significance of international recognition of Israel as a Jewish state to help bring peace to the Middle East. “There is no doubt that the international recognition of the right to a Jewish homeland and its historical significance is fundamental. Its refusal is the root of conflict" in the region. (Tova Dvorin, “PM: PA Refusal of Jewish State is Root of Conflict,” Israel National News, (November 3, 2013).

Netanyahu urged the Arabs to “Recognize the Jewish state. As long as you refuse to do so, there will never be peace. Recognize our right to live here in our own sovereign state, our nation state – only then will peace be possible.”  (“Full text of Netanyahu’s speech at Bar-Ilan,” The Times of Israel (October 7, 2013). 

Arab attempts to influence world opinion against Israel through the media and U.N. declarations mean little when the final decision makers are the Israelis. In a speech to the Knesset on December 6, 2007 commemorating November 29, 1947, the day the U.N. voted to partition Palestine, Netanyahu, then the leader of the opposition, placed Palestinian Arab recognition of Israel in perspective. “Our existence,” he said, “does not depend on the willingness of the Palestinians to make peace with us. Our existence is secured by our right to live in this land and our capacity to defend that right.”  He had no illusions that “Our enemies do not want an Arab state next to Israel. They want an Arab state instead of Israel.”

“The key to Israel's existence,” he continued, “has always been rooted in strengthening Zionism and our ability to defend ourselves – and this remains the key to our existence and the key to forging a genuine peace with all our Arab neighbors. Only when some of them recognized Israel's permanence and indestructibility did they reconcile themselves to making peace with us. That is why I was shocked to hear in the press that the Prime Minister, [then Ehud Olmert,] said: 'If there will not be two states, Israel is finished.' Mr. Prime Minister: The State of Israel will never be finished! Our fate will be determined by us, and us alone!”

For Israeli historian Jacob Talmon, the reason this issue consumes so much debate among Jews is that “deep down in the Jewish soul there is the conscious or unconscious tremendous Jewish anxiety to do away with that which has plagued their existence for two thousand years in the diaspora—the lack of simple, unreserved recognition of their right to exist as a right, and not on sufferance.” Wasn’t this “the essence of Zionism the deep longing to be a nation unto the nations in the family of nations?  Nothing could therefore be more galling and frustrating than the fact that Israel was the only State in the world to which its neighbors refused the very right to exist, and whose frontiers were hermetically closed even when they were not ablaze.” (Jacob Talmon, Israel Among the Nations, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson1970, p.171.)

Israeli journalist Dror Eydar claims the demand for recognizing a Jewish state is not intended for Israel, since she does not need recognition from Ramallah.  The demand is designed to impede the “PLO's progressive tactic in which each territory it receives serves as the base for the next demand.”  And recognition is needed so that Israel’s existence is not just a meaningless slogan. It must be reflected in the way Israel is accepted in the Palestinian Arab media, schools and mosques. This recognition “is non-negotiable.” Unless it is granted, the status quo should remain. The alleged risk that without a diplomatic accord Israel's position will deteriorate has been advanced for a hundred years, and has been proven wrong. “Don’t try to scare us,” Eydar warns. “We have managed all right so far.” (Dror Eydar, “The debate is about our right to exist,” Israel Hayom, March 16, 2014).  [2]

Recognition is the only means to ensure that the conflict is actually over—that the settlement is not another disastrous fiasco like Oslo. adds historian David Hazony. It is not about psychological insecurity. Recognition has to be “categorical, overriding” without ‘Yes, but also right of return,’ or, ‘Yes, but also right to resistance.’ Anything short of that is just more posturing, more blood and tears.” (David Hazony, “Why Recognizing Israel as 'Jewish State' Is Key to Peace,” Forward, March 21, 2014).

In his testimony before the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs on March 13, 2014, Secretary of State John Kerry added to the discussion by presenting Israel’s fundamental requirement of recognition of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish People “as a mistake.” Considering that the “Jewish State” issue was “sufficiently addressed by UN General Assembly Resolution 181 of 1947, which recommended the establishment of independent Arab and Jewish states in Palestine,” he did not see why this declaration is necessary. Furthermore, Kerry noted that there are “more than 30–40 mentions of a ‘Jewish state’” in the resolution, and added that the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat “confirmed that he agreed it [Israel] would be a Jewish state” in 1988 and in 2004.” (Alan Baker, “Arafat and the Jewish State: Setting the Record Straight,” Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, March 17, 2014).

Ambassador Alan Baker, who served as legal adviser and deputy director-general of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Israel's ambassador to Canada and participated in the negotiation and drafting of the Oslo Accords, responded that “this It would appear that once again, as with previous one-sided and pre-judgmental statements, Secretary Kerry has either been ill-advised or is deliberately engaged in an effort to neutralize the ‘Jewish State’ issue in the current negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians,” by quoting a dubious quotation by Yasser Arafat from December 7, 1988 – in which  Arafat said that 'the PNC [Palestinian National Council] has accepted two states: a Palestine state and Jewish state – between brackets ‘Israel.’” (Sic). (Ibid.)

Israel, the U.S., the United Kingdom, Germany and other nations never accepted this 1988 statement as satisfying the current demand for recognition. When Arafat made the declaration, he summarized U.N. General Assembly Resolution 181 that specified a legal foundation for the Palestinian Arab state, which the U.S. determined did not meet its requirement that the PLO unequivocally recognize the State of Israel, and consequently no discussion was initiated between the U.S. and the PLO at that point. The U.S. also rejected subsequent statements by Arafat that failed to meet this condition. Baker concludes that “Secretary Kerry’s attempt to represent these events as proof that the Palestinian leadership has already recognized Israel as the Jewish state is a clear distortion of the historical record.” (Ibid.)

Farouk Kaddoumi, the PLO's "foreign minister” under Arafat, confirmed that the PLO charter had not been changed to recognize Israel's right to exist in an interview with the Jordanian newspaper Al-Arab. "The Palestinian national charter has not been amended until now," he explained. "It was said that some articles are no longer effective, but they were not changed. I'm one of those who didn't agree to any changes." (Khaled Abu Toameh, “Kaddoumi: PLO charter was never changed,” The Jerusalem Post, April 22, 2004).

For the strategy behind the Arab position, see part III tomorrow.

Sources:

[1] For others who share this view albeit it for other reasons, please see “J Street: Jewish state demand not realistic at present,” Haaretz (March 23, 2014); Chemi Shalev, “From hocus pocus to open sesame to recognition as Jewish state: It’s a kind of magic,” Haaretz (March 20, 2014); Shlomo Avineri, “Mahmoud Abbas holds the key to peace,” Haaretz (February 3, 2014); David Landau, “Not buying into Netanyahu's 'Jewish state,’” Haaretz  (March 10, 2014);  Ziad J. Asali, “Why Palestinians are puzzled by the 'Jewish state' demand,” Haaretz  (January 10, 2014); Peter Beinart, “Before Abbas recognizes the Jewish state, Israel must define it,” Haaretz (March 19, 2014); Ari Shavit, “Four reasons why Israel must be recognized as a Jewish state” Haaretz (February 13, 2014).

[2] For examples of incitement against Israel, please see “Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs Behind the Headlines: Palestinian incitement – An obstacle to peace,” (February 23, 2014); “Fatah and the PA celebrate anniversary of killing of 37 Israeli civilians,” Palestinian Media Watch (March 19, 2014); Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik, “PA: "Palestine" replaces all of Israel and is "indivisible,” Palestinian Media Watch (March 20, 2014); Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik, “PA TV: Suicide bombers who killed 16 are ‘stars’ in ‘the skies,’” Palestinian Media Watch (March 24, 2014); Daphne Burdman, “Hatred of the Jews as a Psychological Phenomenon in Palestinian Society,” Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Jewish Political Studies Review 18:3-4 (Fall 2006)  (October 1, 2006); Alan Baker, “Changing Forms of Incitement to Terror and Violence: The Need for a New International Response, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (2012); Shlomo Cesana, “Study shows Palestinian textbooks rife with incitement,” Israel Hayom (March 31, 2014).

 

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Op-Ed: Recognizing Israel as the Jewish State: Part I

The League of Nations and the UN did not create Israel ex nihilo, they simply recognized the pre-existing right of the people who were sovereign in the land for over a thousand years.

Published: Sunday, May 08, 2016 12:43 AM

 

Dr. Alex Grobman

Dr. Alex Grobman is a historian, president of the America-Israel Friendship…

► More from this writer

The question of whether Israel should demand that Palestinian Arabs formally recognize her right to exist as “the” Jewish state has been the subject of discussion and debate within Israel for many years. As former Israeli ambassador Dore Gold observed, in the last century, Israel is the only state established whose legitimacy was officially acknowledged by the League of Nations and the U.N. 

The League of Nations Mandate did not grant the Jewish people the rights to establish a national home in Palestine, it simply recognized the pre-existing right that had never been surrendered or forgotten. The Jewish people had been sovereign in their own land for a thousand years before many were forced into exile. The establishment of the State of Israel did not represent a creation ex nihilo.

These rights were upheld by the U.N. under Article 80 of the UN Charter after the U.N. replaced the League of Nations.  (Dore Gold and Jeff Helmreich, Jerusalem Viewpoints Number 507 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, November 16, 2003).

The Arab Response

When addressing the international community, the Palestinian Arabs insist that recognition of Israel as a Jewish state will annul their right to establish their own state, compromise the rights of the non-Jewish minority in Israel and preclude resolving the question of the Palestinian refugees. These excuses are unfounded. They have never accepted the right of Israel to exist, which is why the two-state solution has never been a realistic solution. 


They have never accepted the right of Israel to exist, which is why the two-state solution has never been a realistic solution. 
Speaking for the Palestinian Arabs, Saeb Erekat, the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) chief negotiator, openly rejects to the idea of Israel being the Jewish state.  “We will not agree to recognize Israel as a Jewish state,” he said. “There is no country in the world where religious and national identities are intertwined.”

On Al-Arabiya TV, a Saudi-owned pan-Arab television news station, Erekat added: "Israel can define itself however it sees fit; and if it wishes to call itself a Jewish state, so be it. But the Palestinians will never acknowledge Israel's Jewish identity." Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad, considered in the West as a moderate, agreed with these statements. (“The recognition sham,” The Jerusalem Post, November 14, 2007; “Erekat: We Won’t Accept Jewish Israel,” The Jerusalem Post.November 12, 2007; Khaled Abu Toameh, “Palestinians have not abandoned armed struggle,” The Jerusalem Post,November 10, 2012).

Erekat's assertions are wrong. As Professor George Scelle, international jurist and member of the U.N. International Law Commission, wrote: “What characterizes a nation is certainly not race—for there is no longer a pure race; it is a combination of manifestations of conscience solidarity—some of an historical nature, others of an intellectual, religious, social or even emotional nature—which together result in the creation of a collective desire for common life, an organization of solidarity and a permanent relationship…it is this psychological element which constitutes the very essence of nationality.” There “can be no doubt” that all the Jewish communities are “one nation or one people.” (Nathan Feinberg, The Arab-Israel Conflict in International Law (Jerusalem: The Magnes Press of The Hebrew University, 1970), 21-22); Allen Z. Hertz, “Aboriginal rights of the Jewish People,” The Times of Israel (February 18, 2014).

The situation of the Jews is “exceptional,” he noted, due to their dispersion. Though they “lack some of the elements of solidarity” found in other peoples—especially solidarity developed “by living in close geographical proximity, their traditions, customs, the persecutions they endured and mystic aspirations are so firmly integrated —certainly more so than in the case of other peoples –for this very reason that they have not assimilated with the political groups in whose midst they have lived or settled.”  Paul Fauchille, the French jurist, held the same opinion about the Jews. In discussions about the Balfour Declaration and other Allied and Associated Powers, he stated “The Great War of 1914-1919 brought with it official recognition of yet another persecuted people: namely the Jewish people.” (Feinberg, op.cit.23-24).

Aside from many jurists, historians and scholars who “unequivocally endorsed” the existence of the Jewish people, there are international institutions that added their affirmation. On July 24, 1922, the Council of the League of Nations recognized the existence of the Jewish people, its historical link to the land of Israel and its right to reestablish its ancestral home there. The Mandate acknowledged the Zionist Organization’s Jewish Agency as the representative of the Jewish people in all issues regarding the reestablishment of the national home. (Ibid. 23).

The judges from the U.S. France, Britain and the former Soviet Union who presided at the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, Germany explicitly acknowledged that “atrocities against the Jewish people were committed.”  On practically every page of the Nuremberg Trial proceedings, mention is made of the murder of “the Jews” throughout Europe as members of the Jewish people “in the ethnic sense, not the religious sense,” because during the Holocaust even Jews converted to other religions were murdered as Jews along with those who had not left the fold.” (Ibid. 24-25).

French political scientist Shmuel Trigano also dismisses these excuses as a delaying ploy frequently used by the PLO, especially in the Palestinian Charter. The idea that one state does not have to acknowledge the “religion” of another State is irrelevant in this case. The word “Jew” here means a “nation”, not a “religion.” This is why the November 1947 U.N. General Assembly Resolution (181, II) uses the expression “Jewish State” twenty three times, when it advocates the creation of “two states in Palestine, a Jewish one and an Arab one.” (Shmuel Trigano, “The Open Racism of the Future State of Palestine,” SPME Archives, October 28, 2010).

PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas criticized the International Quartet after they demanded he recognize the Jewish state when he said, “Don’t order us to recognize a Jewish state. We won’t accept it.” As far as Abbas is concerned, Israel can call itself “The Zionist republic, the Hebrew, the National, [or] the Socialist [Republic] call it whatever you like. I don’t care.” (Itamar Marcus and Barbara Crook, “Abbas mocks idea of Jewish state,” Palestinian Media Watch, May 4, 2009).

In a speech in to the U.N .Human Rights Council in Geneva on October 28, 2015, Abbas openly condemned Israel’s ‘occupation’: "Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, haven't you wondered: For how long will this protracted Israeli occupation of our land last? After 67 years (i.e., Israel's creation), how long? Do you think it can last, and that it benefits the Palestinian people?” Abbas also vilified Israel:  "[The] holy sites which have been desecrated every other second again and again for seven decades now, under an occupation that does not quit killing, torturing, looting and imprisoning…"(Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik, “Abbas says all of Israel is "occupation,’" Palestinian Media Watch, November 2, 2015).

Ahmad Samih Khalidi, a senior associate member of St Antony's College, Oxford, a former Palestinian Arab negotiator and an advocate of a one state solution, defends Arab refusal to recognize Israel as the Jewish state.  “…Defining Israel as a Jewish state,” he said “prejudices the political and civic rights of Israel’s Arab citizens, who comprise 20 percent of the population and whose second-class status would be consolidated by dint of recognizing the “Jewishness” of the state, and second, because to acknowledge Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people would compromise the Palestinian refugees’ right of return, as there would be no moral or political grounds for them to return to a universally recognized Jewish state.” (Ahmad Samih Khalidi, “Why the Palestinians can’t recognize the Jewish State,”   Journal of Palestine Studies, Volume 40, Number. 4 (Summer 2011);  Ahmad Samih Khalidi, “Thanks, but no thanks Statehood does not offer the equitable and fair solution the Palestinian people deserve;”  Ahmad Samih Khalidi, “A one-state solution: A unitary Arab-Jewish homeland could bring lasting peace to the Middle East,” The Guardian (September 28, 2003.)

Additionally, he wrote: “…if Israel is the homeland of the Jewish people, then the lands that it occupies today (and perhaps more, for there are as yet no borders to this “homeland”) belong to this people by way of right. And if these lands rightfully comprise the Jewish homeland, then the Arab presence there becomes historically aberrant and contingent; the Palestinians effectively become historic interlopers and trespassers—a transient presence on someone else’s national soil.” (Khalidi, “Why the Palestinians can’t recognize the Jewish State,” op.cit.) 

Khalidi believes this “touches on the very core of the conflict and its genesis. Indeed, it is the heart of the Zionist claim to Palestine: Palestine belongs to the Jews and their right to the land is antecedent and superior to that of the Arabs. This is what Zionism is all about, and what justifies both the Jewish return to the land and the dispossession of its Arab inhabitants.” (Ibid; John V. Whitbeck, “What ‘Israel right to exist’ means to Palestinians,” The Christian Science Monitor, February 2, 2007); Ali Jarbawi, “Defining the Jewish State,” The New York Times, March 6, 2014).

Destroying Israel has been a primary objective of the Palestinian Liberation Movement (PLO) from the outset.  In a Radio PLO broadcast in Hebrew on October 31, 1967, Ahmad Al-Shuqayri, who founded the PLO in May 1964, announced “Filastin is the homeland of the Palestinian people.” They and the Arab nation will never relinquish their patrimony. “We will fight until Israel is destroyed …One hundred thousand Arabs surround you; they will not leave Israel alone and allow it [to] exist.” His urged the Jews to leave Israel to other countries where Jews live so they will enjoy peace, prosperity and stability. The Balfour Declaration precipitated the calamity and only Jewish emigration from Palestine will end the catastrophe.  (Moshe Shemesh, “Did Shuqayri Call for ‘Throwing the Jews into the Sea,’” Israel Studies Volume 8 Number 2 (Summer 2003):76.)

Negotiations and treaties were not designed to further a peace process. The Oslo Accords or any agreement, he said, “is just a temporary procedure or just a step towards something bigger…”  They are meant to lull and dupe Israelis into believing a settlement can be reached with the Arabs though summits, confidence building measures such as prisoner exchange, evacuation of territory and political and other concessions. Unfortunately, appeasement is viewed as a weakness and not a source of strength in the Middle East.

To achieve this goal, a hudna (cease fire, truce) (Denis MacEoin, “Tactical Hudna and Islamist Intolerance,” Middle East Quarterly (Summer 2008), 39-48.) or a tahadia (quiet period) (Efrat Weiss, “A year of relative quiet,” Ynet (September 28, 2005) are religiously legal sanctioned strategies to gain tactical advantage over one's adversary until the next round of fighting begins.

Instead of viewing these time outs as a sign of conciliation, they need to be viewed at the Arabs see them. (Daniel Pipes, “Lessons from the Prophet Muhammad’s Diplomacy,” Middle East Quarterly (September 1999); Sheikh Professor Abdul Hadi Palazzi, “Correspondence: The Treaty of Hudaybiya,” Middle East Quarterly (December 1999).

Tomorrow: Israel's response

 

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